‘We can’t talk solutions without understanding complexities: Kari Guajajara on Brazil’s Amazon

  • Mongabay interviewed Kari Guajajara, a lawyer and the first Indigenous person to obtain a law degree in Brazil’s state of Maranhão, to hear her take on some of the latest and biggest events affecting Indigenous communities and forests Brazilian Amazon.

  • These events include a government operation to evict illegal miners from a Munduruku territory, threats to the lives of Indigenous land defenders, the influence of the agribusiness lobby, and President Lula’s drop in popularity.

  • Kari Guajajara and other Indigenous delegates came to the U.N. Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues in New York City to spotlight issues they face in their country.

  • Kari Guajajara is a lawyer at Amazonia Alerta and a legal advisor for COIAB, a Brazilian Amazon Indigenous network.
This is the last of three interviews with Indigenous representatives at the United Nations about the latest issues in their country’s Amazon forests. Read the interview about the Peruvian Amazon here and Colombian Amazon here.

NEW YORK CITY — In the bustling concrete jungle of New York City, representatives from the Amazon Rainforest arrived at the 2025 U.N. Permanent Forum on Indigenous issues, one of the world’s largest gatherings of Indigenous peoples, to spotlight issues they face in their countries.

Among them was Kari Guajajara, a lawyer and the first Indigenous person to obtain a law degree in Brazil’s state of Maranhão. She spoke with Mongabay about her views on some of the latest and biggest events affecting Indigenous communities and forests in Brazilian Amazon, as well as the solutions she believes are needed.

Our conversation touched on the ongoing operation to evict illegal miners in the Munduruku Indigenous Territory in the state of Pará and illegal cattle ranching that may be tied to the killings of Indigenous land defenders. We also discussed the influence of the country’s agribusiness lobby in policies and President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s drop in popularity. Most of the Amazon is held within Brazil’s borders and the three states with the biggest share of the rainforest — also home to many isolated Indigenous peoples — lost about 23 million hectares (56 million acres) of primary forest since 2001.

“The state often tries to tackle the protection of Indigenous territories from a single vision, a unilateral vision that ignores what Indigenous peoples are saying is happening within the territory,” Guajajara said. “Without understand all of the complexities, we can’t talk about solving problems in these territories in a more complete way.”

Rio Javari
The Javari river forms the border between Brazil and Peru. Photo by Rhett A. Butler for Mongabay.

A Guajajara-Tenetehára lawyer from the Araribóia Indigenous land in the state of Maranhão, Kari Guajajara is the first Indigenous woman to enroll in a higher education program at the Federal University of Maranhão. She is a partnership director and lawyer at Amazonia Alerta, an NGO that seeks to increase Indigenous representation in Brazil’s legal system, and legal advisor for the COIAB, Brazil’s network of Amazon Indigenous organizations.

This interview was translated from Portuguese and edited for clarity.

Mongabay: What are the key objectives of your presence at the forum?

Kari Guajajara: So, the main points that brought us to the permanent forum this year in the first place is an attempt promoted by a judge of the Federal Supreme Court — Brazil’s highest court — [to open a] forced conciliation chamber to try conciliate Indigenous rights that are not capable of being negotiated and the impacts this could have on the fundamental rights of Indigenous peoples, especially territorial rights.

This is happening in the same context in which we have a law, the marco temporal [time frame thesis to nullify demarcation claims in areas uninhabited by Indigenous peoples before 1988], which is unconstitutional. This decision of it being unconstitutional is from the Federal Supreme Court itself which has now opened this commission.

Another very important point that brings us here is the fact that, historically, Brazil has disrespected the right to free and prior informed consultation of Indigenous peoples, or if it does respect it, it instrumentalizes it at its own discretion or in favor of its own interests, especially in regards to megaprojects pushed on Indigenous peoples in the Brazilian Amazon.

Povos indígenas no Brasil
Indigenous peoples in Brazil celebrated the Supreme Court decision of killing the time frame thesis which would reduced Indigenous rights over ancestral lands. Image courtesy of Lohana Chaves/Funai.

So, in Brazil, we are constantly having Indigenous peoples’ right to say “no” being disrespected and these peoples being run over by projects that are contaminating their bodies, that are taking their lives.

Mongabay: The government has an ongoing operation in the Munduruku Indigenous Territory to remove illegal gold miners, years after the Supreme Court called for this. How do you think the Federal Police should conduct the operation? And how could the government prevent miners from coming back once the operation is complete (as has happened elsewhere)?

Kari Guajajara: The Brazilian state first needs to understand the complexity of its duty under the federal constitution to protect Indigenous territories. The protection of Indigenous territories cannot be summed up in one-off actions by the state within these territories. The state needs to absorb the complexity of Indigenous territories from their economic perspective, from their social perspective… from the perspective of the whole complexity that surrounds both the territories and the connection of Indigenous peoples with these territories.

The problem is that the state often tries to resolve the issue of protecting Indigenous territories from a single vision — a unilateral vision that ignores what Indigenous peoples are saying is happening within the territory [and] their vision when it comes to implementing public policies. So, when Indigenous peoples call on the Brazilian state to exercise its duty to protect these territories, they are also calling on it to understand from what perspective this can be resolved.

Garimpo ilegal na Terra Indígena Munduruku
Illegal mining in the Munduruku Indigenous Territory in 2020. Image by Marizilda Cruppe/Amazônia Real/Amazon Watch.
Terra Indígena Munduruku, no Pará
Federal forces have been expelling illegal gold miners from protected areas like the Munduruku Indigenous Territory in Pará state. Image courtesy of the Federal Police.

By adopting historical strategies that don’t work, of making one-off operations that don’t understand the social issues surrounding this territory, which don’t understand the cultural dynamism of the peoples who live in these territories, without allowing ourselves to understand all of this complexity, we can’t talk about solving the problems of these territories in a more complete way.

Obviously, there is no single answer to solving these problems.

However, a good example, without a doubt, would be to strengthen the environmental and territorial management plans of Indigenous peoples. These are like life plans and are drawn up by these peoples, (which provide little response). These plans are not only about the immediate fight against all these invaders and criminals, but also address the long-term life of the territories, and how the state can contribute in the long term to maintaining the life of the territories and Indigenous peoples.

Mongabay: A Mongabay investigation found there was illegal cattle ranching in the Araiboia Indigenous Territory and that there could be links with the killing of Indigenous Guajajajara leaders. Do you have any comments on what the government should do regarding this situation?

Kari Guajajara: Well, this problem of illegal cattle ranching in Indigenous territories, or in the Aribóia Indigenous land, is not a recent problem. And it certainly has a direct correlation with the murder of Indigenous peoples, especially leaders in the Araibóia Indigenous land.

As we know, since 2007, there has been a specific group of people who have been tackling environmental crimes within the territory due to the omission or absence of the state in fulfilling its duty to protect. This group is the Guardians of the Forest. And since the people of Arariboia have mobilized to protect the territory, there are those who feel threatened, meaning the people who are committing illicit acts within these territories. Among this group of people there are also non-Indigenous cattle ranchers who directly or indirectly invading the territory.

“Guardians of the Forest” Paulo Paulino Guajajara (left) and Laércio Guajajara (right) pose for a photo before going on patrol in the Araribóia indigenous reserve, in Maranhão state, on Jan 30, 2019. Paulo Paulino Guajajara was killed in an ambush by loggers in 2019. Image by Karla Mendes/Mongabay.

Because of what is happening, we members of Arariboia — because I am from the Arariboia Indigenous land — asked the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights [and in a lawsuit before the Federal Supreme Court] for the immediate protection of the Araribóia territory. The state’s response to these requests was the removal of invaders from the Arariboia Indigenous land.

The operation to remove invaders comes precisely in this context of historical violations of the Arariboia Indigenous land and the direct correlation of this with the murder of and threats to Indigenous leaders who confront these illicit acts due to the absence of the state.

Right now, at this very moment, in the Arariboia Indigenous land, operations are taking place to dismantle the land, and various Indigenous leaders are once again being threatened. This includes the minister for Indigenous peoples herself, who is being threatened, as well as several other leaders in the territory for supporting the removal of invaders. These threats come directly and mainly from people who commit illicit acts within the Araibóia Indigenous land or who support the commission of these illicit acts within it.

Mongabay: In Mamoria Grande, an isolated man made headlines when he visited a community near Purus River. Mongabay found that the area where he was located is surrounded by deforestation. One of the sources of this deforestation is agricultural activities and ranchers seeking more land. In your opinion, can the agribusiness lobby, currently powerful in Brazil, influence policies that can open up or protect forests which isolated peoples depend on?

Kari Guajajara: There is no doubt that the delay in confirming the records of isolated peoples in Brazil is also correlated with the lobbying done to try to prevent the demarcation of territories, undertaken mainly by representatives of agribusiness interests.

An isolated Indigenous family comprising a couple and a baby, got lost from the rest of their group in the Mamoriá Grande area. Image courtesy of Daniel Cangussu.

It is enough to observe that there is a very close relationship between the slow progress in confirming the presence of isolated Indigenous peoples — the confirmation and recognition of the records of their existence — and the demarcation and protection of Indigenous territories. Several records that have not yet been confirmed are primarily outside Indigenous territories, which means that the state is not making progress with the demarcation or at least with the minimum security of these territories.

A large part of where these records point to is deforested, which means that we have records of isolated Indigenous people on undemarcated lands, in undemarcated areas, with precarious protection. Only a portion are on territories that have actually been demarcated.

So, we do believe that there is a very close correlation between the confirmation process of recognizing the presence of isolated Indigenous peoples and the lobby for the non-demarcation of these territories. And the more we have this lobby, the more we have this policy of violating the rights of Indigenous peoples. Through this lobby, we have a delay in the demarcation of territories and in the very recognition of the existence of these isolated Indigenous peoples.

Mongabay: Right now, President Lula da Silva, who entered his term with measures to protect Indigenous rights, is facing low levels of popularity in the country. How do you think he should approach Indigenous issues?

Kari Guajajara: Well, for my part as an Indigenous lawyer — as an Indigenous person, too — obviously, my immediate response is that president Lula should defend or at least take care of what is properly protected for Indigenous peoples: Take care of our constitutional rights in terms of what is delimited and take care of the security of our rights and guarantees that are also registered in international agreements and treaties. He should commit himself to the complete and effective execution of the rights and guarantees of Indigenous peoples.

Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva criou uma força-tarefa para expulsar garimpeiros ilegais
President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, in white, created a task force to expel illegal miners from the Yanomami Indigenous Territory as one of his first orders of business. Image by Ricardo Stuckert/PR via Wikimedia Commons (CC BY 2.0).

Despite this, we also understand that there is a process of advocacy by sectors that are against the rights of Indigenous peoples, and this also directly influences the way in which Lula prioritizes the treatment of Indigenous peoples’ rights.

Understanding the complexity and importance of our territories, our knowledge and, consequently, our lives — not just for us but for the whole of humanity — Lula should treat the rights of Indigenous peoples as a top priority today. He should understand mainly that dealing with Indigenous peoples and our territories is a strategy for dealing with the climate issue itself.

Banner image: Brazilian Indigenous lawyer Kari Guajajara. Image by USAID via Flickr (CC BY-NC 2.0).

Amazon Indigenous Rights Clinic in partnership with the AmazôniAlerta strengthens the legal defense of the people of the Amazon

The initiative brings together training and definition of strategies for resolving specific cases with indigenous lawyers and students to guarantee the protection of the rights of original peoples

By: Kari Guajajara and Robson Delgado Baré

Despite Brazil having a Constitution indisputably based on principles that aim to build a pluri-ethnic and multicultural society through the consolidation, appreciation and promotion of the country’s cultural differences and ethnic and social diversity, the political and legal scenarios, which throughout history have subjected indigenous peoples to persistent challenges, continue to be intensified. Attacks on rights and guarantees not only threaten the cultural and environmental heritage of communities but also put their fundamental rights to territory and life at risk. Given this context, the importance of undertaking strategies that are capable of facing the aforementioned context is evident to us.

In this sense, the legal department of the Coordination of Indigenous Organizations of the Brazilian Amazon (Coiab), together with AmazôniAlerta, has strengthened the continuous qualification of indigenous professionals to maintain specialized assistance with indigenous organizations and peoples through initiatives such as the Amazon Indigenous Rights Clinic.

The main objective of the Clinic is to offer practical training and excellent support for indigenous lawyers who work directly in grassroots organizations of the indigenous movement and for law students. The training space proposed by the Clinic is innovative. This is a long-term, continuous training, with a regular monthly frequency, focused on indigenous law, dealing with a topic that has a shortage of professionals to master it: the defense of indigenous rights.

Among others, members of the Network of Indigenous Lawyers of the Amazon participate in the Clinic as a strategy to guarantee training and technical support in the face of the specific and challenging demands of the indigenous peoples of the Amazon.
Currently, the Coiab Indigenous Rights Clinic is made up of indigenous people from different peoples: Guajajara, Baré, Tukano, Kokama, Apurinã, Macuxi, Wapichana, Manchineri, Yawalapíti, Huni Kuî, Amondawa and Tembé. From states such as: Acre, Amazonas, Maranhão, Mato-Grosso, Pará, Rondônia and Roraima.

“Ensuring a safe and qualified space for indigenous lawyers and law students means enhancing the indigenous collective struggle considering that what we seek at the Clinic is not just qualification, but more importantly, the definition of a joint strategy for resolving specific cases” says Kari Guajajara, Coiab’s legal advisory coordinator.

The Clinic has already had classes with the participation of Lawyer Miguel Godoy, professor of Constitutional Law at the Federal University of Paraná (UFPR) and the University of Brasília (UnB) and Lawyer Melina Fachin, professor of International Human Rights Law at the Federal University of Paraná (UFPR) and director of the Faculty of Law at the same university.

For Lucas Cravo, Lawyer at AmazôniAlerta, in partnership with Coiab, the Amazon Indigenous Rights Clinic represents progress for the legal body of the indigenous movement in the Brazilian Amazon “The Clinic aims to collaborate with the long-term training of young indigenous lawyers who want to use law as an instrument of struggle in defense of indigenous rights. An innovative training initiative because it aims to create a permanent, trustworthy space where indigenous lawyers from the coiab network can refine their technical knowledge by discussing the cases they are working on”, he concludes.

The proposal is clear: to enhance the struggle and tools of forest people so that they can face the challenges imposed on their rights and guarantees. The Amazon Indigenous Rights Clinic thus emerges as a milestone in the institutional strengthening of the indigenous peoples of the Amazon, ensuring that justice also speaks the languages ​​of the forest.

For those interested in participating in the Amazon Indigenous Rights Clinic, the person must send an email to Coiab legal and AmazôniAlerta, reporting their trajectory and informing which organization they are linked to.

Coiab legal email: juridico@coiab.org.br
AmazôniAlerta legal email: juridico@amazonialerta.org

Holding up the Sky or Walking Towards the Precipice

Attacking the territorial rights of indigenous peoples is taking a step closer to the end of the world. It seems alarming at first glance, but it is a catastrophic scenario that is approaching, according to reports from the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Indigenous lands, which are the largest areas of climate security in Brazil, face a legal theory known as the “temporal framework,” which holds that Indigenous peoples only have the right to constitutionally guaranteed territories if they had settled there on the date of the promulgation of the Federal Constitution of 1988. This thesis is trying to be incorporated into the Brazilian legal system by the three branches of government.

In the executive branch, Opinion 001/2017, made the application of “framework” mandatory throughout the federal public administration. In the legislative branch, Law 14.701/23 is trying to enshrine the “temporal framework” in established law. In the judiciary, through the judgment of the case of Extraordinary Appeal 1,017,365, which had its effect extended to all similar cases through the recognition of its general repercussion, and which refuted the thesis of the temporal framework, in favor of Indigenous territorial rights; and more recently through the reopened discussion in the joint judgment of Direct Action of Unconstitutionality (ADI) 7582, 7583, 7586, Declaratory Action of Constitutionality (ADC) 87, and Direct Action of Unconstitutionality by Omission (ADO) 86.

Opinion 001/2017 has not yet been revoked and remains in force. Law 14,701/23 was created by Bill 2,903/23, approved in September 2023 by the National Congress. The judgment on general repercussions in the Brazilian Supreme Court, which was also issued in September, made the thesis of the temporal framework unconstitutional, and therefore incompatible with the Brazilian legal system. In October, President Lula vetoed the thesis of the Temporal Framework in Bill 2.903/23, regarding the Federal Constitution of 1988 and its interpretation by the Supreme Court. In December 2023, the National Congress overturned the presidential veto, insisting on making legal what had already been declared unconstitutional.

The temporal framework thesis is an aberration that has very little legal basis. Carolina Santana demonstrates in her doctoral research how the temporal framework is yet another link in a chain of arguments designed to diminish indigenous rights. Its objective is to establish an arbitrary timeframe in which an Indigenous people should be on their lands to be entitled to them, establishing the date of October 5, 1988, the same date as the promulgation of the current Brazilian Federal Constitution. In her dissertation, Santana analyzed the proceedings of the National Constituent Assembly of 1987-88, interviewed Supreme Court justices and delegated, and reviewed judicial cases involving the annulment of land demarcations. When cross-referencing the data, it becomes clear that the thesis of the temporal framework did not reflect the will of the Constituent Assembly members.

As Indigenous peoples are guardians of the forests and, therefore, of the climate, this means legal uncertainty that will end a constitutionally guaranteed right for hundreds of Indigenous lands that will have direct effects on the climate crisis. Although the temporal framework thesis is unconstitutional in its proposal, since Art. 231 of the Federal Constitution determines that indigenous territorial rights are original and therefore existed even before the formation of the Brazilian State, it has been used in many judicial cases to request and explains the annulment of court cases about the demarcation of Indigenous lands.

Because this thesis puts the human rights of Indigenous peoples and property rights in dispute — whether legally acquired or defrauded through land grabbing — there have been court decisions that have support it and others that have refuted it. For this reason, the Brazilian Supreme Court took up a specific case, whose ruling  was extended to all similar cases. This is Extraordinary Appeal 1,017,365/SC, in which there is a conflict between the Xokleng Indigenous people of the Ibirama-Laklãnõ Indigenous Land and a public foundation in the state of Santa Catarina. In September 2023, this judgment was concluded refuting the temporal framework thesis and affirming the constitutional rights of Indigenous peoples. The debate was reopened, when it should not have been, due to the joint judgment of ADIs 7582, 7583, 7586, ADC 87 and ADO 86.

Indigenous lands and Conservation Units are the main pockets of climate security that we have in the world. Defining the unconstitutionality of the temporal framework is necessary not only out of respect for Brazilian constitutionalism and the constituent will of the National Constituent Assembly of 1987-88, but also for humanitarian reasons. In ruling on RE 1.017.365, the Brazilian Supreme Court has ruled on the largest climate dispute on the planet, considering the impact it will have on the demarcation of Indigenous lands. The Brazilian Constitutional Court had in its hands the case that will define not only respect for the fundamental rights of Indigenous peoples protected by the constituent will, but also whether we are one step away from holding up the sky a little longer, as Davi Yanomami says, or approaching the end of the world as we know it. Our generation is witnessing the effects of the climate crisis, as we see year after year in the forest fires in California, the heat waves in Europe, or the drought of the Amazon rivers. It is now once again up to the Brazilian Supreme Court to assert its constitutional authority and decide whether we are closer to climate collapse or whether Brazil will continue to play its global leadership role in socio-environmental protection.


*Lucas Cravo holds a PhD in Law from the University of Brasília. He is currently a visiting scholar at New York University, as a fellow of the Fulbright Commission Brazil Doctoral Dissertation Research Award program. He holds a master’s degree in law from the University of Brasília with a period of technical visit at Flinders University, as a fellow of the CAPES Academic Excellence Program. He holds a degree in Law from the Fluminense Federal University, with a period of academic mobility at the University of Coimbra. He is a partner at Cravo & Santana – Advocacia, a public interest law firm that works in defense of socio-environmental rights.

This article was written by Lucas for issue 160 of the WBO newsletter, dated April 4, 2025. The Brazil Office Alliance is a specialized network dedicated to reflecting on Brazil and supporting actions that strengthen the role of civil society and institutions committed to promoting and defending democracy, human rights, freedoms, and sustainable socio-economic and environmental development in the country. The WBO acts independently and in a non-partisan manner, respecting diversity, human dignity, inclusive dialogue, and with a commitment to evidence-based ideas, activities and policies. 

Indigenous Rights Clinic

AmazoniAlerta, in partnership with the Legal Department of Coiab – Coordination of Indigenous Organizations of the Brazilian Amazon, have launched the Indigenous Rights Clinic – a program providing ongoing legal training in Indigenous Law for Indigenous lawyers in Brazil.

The initiative is a response to the significant unfulfilled demand for lawyers specialized in Indigenous Law from Indigenous rights organisations, NGOs and public institutions in Brazil.

As Lucas Cravo de Oliveira, a lawyer from AmazoniAlerta who coordinates the training explains, “Brazilian law schools do not teach Indigenous law as a subject and there are only a few, taught specialised courses available. In other words, this means that the discipline of Indigenous law is learnt through practice. Our program aims to support the skills and knowledge of practicing Indigenous rights lawyers.”

Using actual legal cases, whether widely known or not, as case studies, Lucas discusses the fundamentals and strategies of Indigenous Law biweekly with a group of young Indigenous lawyers connected to Coiab and AmazoniAlerta.

Urgent: First Expedition Reveals Alarming Invasion in the Uru Eu Wau Wau Indigenous Territory

In a groundbreaking effort to protect Indigenous lands, we recently conducted our first expedition in the Uru Eu Wau Wau Indigenous Territory, Brazil, in partnership with the Association of Indigenous Peoples of Amondawa (APIA). This expedition marks a significant milestone in our ongoing mission to monitor and defend these sacred territories. Unfortunately, the findings from our journey are deeply concerning and highlight the urgent need for continued vigilance and action.

Our team, comprising members of AmazoniAlerta, APIA, the National Indigenous Foundation (FUNAI), and the Environmental Police Battalion (BPA), embarked on this critical mission from May 9 to May 20, 2024. The primary objective was to monitor and document any illegal activities threatening the integrity of the Indigenous lands and to gather evidence that could be used to safeguard these areas.

Disturbing Discoveries

As we navigated the extensive areas of the Urupá River and the Serra da Porta, we uncovered several illicit activities:

  1. Abandoned Invader Camps: We encountered multiple camps used by invaders. These sites were littered with debris, including plastic waste, empty bottles, and spent ammunition cartridges, indicating recent human activity.
  2. Illegal Hunting: Signs of illegal hunting were rampant. We found animals, specifically wild pigs, trapped using hooks. Poachers had left these hooks, posing a significant threat to the local wildlife. The trapped animals were removed, and the traps were dismantled to prevent further harm.
  3. Illegal Mining Operations: Perhaps the most alarming discovery was the presence of illegal mining activities. We identified areas where miners had set up operations, clearly violating the protections afforded to the Indigenous territory. The environmental damage caused by these activities was evident, with disrupted land and contaminated water sources.

Our legal team is compiling comprehensive reports based on our findings. These reports will be submitted to the relevant authorities, including local and federal law enforcement agencies, to ensure appropriate actions are taken to address these violations. We are committed to working closely with the authorities to bring the perpetrators to justice and to prevent further encroachment on Indigenous lands.

This expedition underscores our unwavering commitment to protecting the rights and territories of Indigenous peoples. The alarming discoveries made during our journey highlight the critical need for ongoing monitoring and intervention. We will continue to defend these lands, support the Indigenous communities, and raise awareness about the threats they face.

How You Can Help

The work of our team in the Uru Eu Wau Wau Indigenous Territory is only possible thanks to the Rainforest Fund, but much more can be done with your help.

Your support is crucial in our fight to protect Indigenous territories. Your donations help us fund expeditions, legal actions, and advocacy work to protect Indigenous lands and rights. Consider contributing today to support our mission. We can ensure that the Uru Eu Wau Wau Indigenous Territory and other vulnerable areas are safeguarded for future generations. 

Contact Nick Hackworth about donations: nick@amazonialerta.org

 

AmazoniAlerta and Coapima sign cooperation agreement to defend the rights of indigenous peoples in Maranhão

The Coordination of Organisations and Articulations of the Indigenous Peoples of Maranhão (Coapima) and AmazoniAlerta sign a cooperation agreement to strengthen advocacy in favour of the Indigenous Peoples in the state of Maranhão.

The cooperation aims to join efforts on priority issues, including territorial monitoring and the collection and qualification of information for advocacy.

Meet Jocivaldo Guajajara, AmazoniAlerta’s first intern

Jocivaldo Guajajara is the first recipient of AmazoniAlerta’s bursary for Indigenous law students and a dedicated intern making impactful strides in Indigenous law.

Why This Matters?

Having Jocivaldo on our team is a significant milestone. His presence and work underscore the importance of Indigenous representation in the legal field. As a third-year law student at UniBras College in Santa Inês, Maranhão, Jocivaldo brings a unique perspective and invaluable insights to our efforts in land rights and territorial protection.

Jocivaldo’s Journey with AmazoniAlerta:
🔹Research & Analysis: Conducted crucial research on the status of laws and state decrees in Pará, enhancing our legal strategies.
🔹Collaboration & Learning: Actively participated in key meetings and training sessions, including the Indigenous Monitoring Agent training, where he engaged with various Indigenous communities and developed vital monitoring tools.
🔹Advocacy & Communication: Drafted important communications to federal authorities, highlighting issues in Indigenous territories and advocating for necessary support and resources.

 

We are proud to have Jocivaldo as part of the AmazoniAlerta team. His efforts are a testament to the power of inclusive and diverse perspectives in driving meaningful change. Let’s support and celebrate the invaluable contributions of Indigenous legal professionals like Jocivaldo in our collective mission to protect the Amazon and uphold Indigenous rights.

Introducing AmazoniAlerta’s second team of Environmental Guardians

Formed from members of the Amondawa community  from the Uru-Eu-Wau-Wau Indigenous Territory, the team operates in collaboration with FUNAI to patrol and monitor the territory, gathering evidence of illegal land grabs and illegal deforestation. Our in-house legal team uses this evidence to lobby law enforcement for action and advocate for the community in multiple legal processes.

We are proud to be working with the Amondawa in the defence of their beautiful homeland.

Uru-Eu-Wau-Wau Indigenous land is located in the state of Rondônia, Brazil and is situated at the western limit of the so-called ‘Arc of Deforestation’ (scroll for map from 2015) that describes the advancing front line of agricultural-led deforestation of the Amazon.

This is one of many key ‘frontlines’ in the struggle to preserve the rainforest.

Human rights & business workshop for Indigenous Women

AmazoniAlerta, in partnership with Amazonwatch, Anmiga and IPRI Brasil, staged a workshop on “Human Rights & Business for Indigenous Women” on September 8-9 2023 in Brasilia. AmazoniAlerta directors Carol Suntana and Kari Guajajara staged and spoke at the workshop, focusing on issues and subjects that directly impact the lives and existence of Indigenous women, with the aim of strengthening them in their struggle.

AmazoniAlerta contributes to IACHR investigation in Araribóia

AmazoniAlerta is proud to be supporting the successful appeal made by APIB and COAPIMA for a precautionary measure from the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights (IACHR), demanding the Brazilian government the guarantee of rights to the Guajajara and Awá indigenous peoples, from the Araribóia Indigenous Land. AmazoniAlerta is contributing with evidence gathered by its Environmental Agents.

The request argues that the Guajajara and Awá peoples are vulnerable and at risk from COVID-19, and that the state is failing to provide acceptable access to healthcare and failing to protect their territories from illegal invasion and, in particular, the isolation of the Awá people.

The IACHR is an autonomous institution of the Organisation of American States (OAS), that promotes the observance of human rights in the States that signed the American Convention on Human Rights. Precautionary measures are requests to a State to protect one or more persons who are at serious risk of suffering irreparable harm.